NATIONALISM

Heywood, Chapter 5
Nationalism

          Heywood explains the logic of the process by which nationalism developed through the French Revolution. Inspired by the writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the revolutionaries justified their revolt against the aristocracy as the assertion of the natural sovereignty of "the people," which they defined as the French people, united by (closely related forms of) the French language. The first form of nationalism was therefore revolutionary, liberal and democratic. The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars that followed (1792-1815) created resentment against France, which took the expression of imitation. In Germany and Italy, people concluded that since the French had gained power to mobilize people through this ideology of loyalty, identity and patriotism to people who share the same language, that they could not only throw off the French yoke, but also improve their welfare over the long run through the same ideology.

          Heywood calls the revolts of 1848 nationalist uprisings, representing a popular desire for national unity. Italy became a united state in 1861 and took control of Rome in 1870. The Prussian defeat of Austria in 1866 and France in 1870-1871 brought a collection of 39 states into a united Germany. Although a rising middle class provided the strongest center of support for nationalism, national unification resulted from the success of rising states such as Prussia and Piedmont rather than through a popular revolt. By the end of the 1800s, with the spread of flags, anthems, public ceremonies and national holidays, and patriotic literature, even conservative politicians took up the ideology that had formerly only promoted liberalism.

          Nationalism provided the emotional tools to promote social cohesion, order and stability. Nationalism also could be used to induce the working classes to support the state rather than socialist movements. Conservative politicians adapted the tool of nationalism by using commemoration of military victories and depictions of other nationalities as deceitful and menacing. They asserted the superiority of their own nation and suspicion of others, rather than the equality of national groups as in the liberal project. After their defeat in World War One, Germany, Japan and Italy turned their experience into bitterness at their frustrated ambitions for national greatness through expansion and empire.

          Although the classical political definition of nationalism is the simple belief that (A) the nation is the natural and proper unit of government, the cultural and ethnic dimensions cannot be ignored. In other words, because nationalism has become linked with a broad variety of movements and does not only support self-government and a national state, nationalism is a true ideology, rather than merely a political doctrine. Neither is nationalism merely (B) the sentiment of patriotism, based on psychological need for loyalty or a dislike of other types of people. Nationalism is a very powerful emotional force, but it is also a theoretical construct. Finally, nationalism has become associated with almost all the major ideological traditions, except anarchists who reject all such notions of a state.

          Heywood attempts to identify four key ideas that provide the basis for nationalism.

(1) The Nation

          (1) Although the word "nation" is often used loosely and it is difficult to specify characteristics that are both necessary and sufficient for a group to qualify as a nation rather than merely an ethnic group, we can see a pattern of overlapping qualities. Heywood notes that " . . . nations are cultural entities, collections of people bound together by shared values and traditions, in particular a common language, religion and history, and usually occupying the same geographical area" (160).

          Common language is the clearest symbol of nationhood because it carries attitudes and values that help people feel that they are on familiar ground and belong. This can be used to explain French separatism among the Quebecois and efforts to revive the Welsh language, but the Swiss have a strong sense of national identity in spite of using three languages: French, German and Italian.

          Common religion provides a strong sense of shared unity in countries such as Poland, Italy, Brazil and the Philippines because of Catholicism. The divisions in Ireland between the Protestants and the Catholics seem to emphasize the importance of this factor, but this division does not inspire rival nationalism in the rest of the mainland UK, and it has no influence in the US.

          Although German nationalism has rested on a concept of race, expressed as cultural unity and ties of blood relationship, which strengthens collective consciousness, most modern nations are multicultural. Heywood describes Black Nationalism in the US as based on shared distinctive history and culture.

          Common history and traditions expressed in ceremonies and commemorations play an important role in strengthening national consciousness in many states, but for nations of immigrants, such as the US, many citizens have not direct connection to that history.

          Therefore, national identity rests on a shifting combination of factors and can only be defined subjectively by the members. Because it is difficult to pin down the objective basis for the cultural unity of any nation, Heywood concludes, " . . . the nation is a psycho-cultural entity, a group of people who regard themselves as a natural political community and are distinguished by shared loyalty or affection in the form of patriotism" (161).

          The "myth" of nationhood is expressed in the "primordial" perspective that nations are characterized by common descent, which produces a concept of identity that is unchanging and unchangeable. Therefore, the primordial perspective supports the racialist arguments that exclude immigrants and anyone who does not conform to some specific norm.

          In contrast, the "social constructivist" perspective supports multiracial, multi-ethnic and multi-religious concepts of national identity in which nationality is a function of citizenship, thus purposefully including immigrants.

(2) Organic Community

          Heywood expands on the "organic community" thesis of the primordialists. He cites Anthony Smith as the academic writer who best illustrates this perspective in which modern nation represent historical ethnic communities. Because, in contrast, Ernest Gellner emphasizes that national identity developed out of specific circumstances--especially industrialization--he provides a bridge between primordial and social constructivist approaches. Benedict Anderson more fully represents the constructivist approach when he argues that nations are only "imagined communities" constructed through mass media, education and political socialization. The rational instrumental perspective emphasizes that nationalism is a tool that serves the interests of powerful groups. Heywood cites the Marxist author Eric Hobsbawm as representative of this perspective. He notes that Marxists view class societies as inherently unstable, and therefore, the ruling class uses nationalism to overcome the threat of a social revolution. National loyalty help bind the working class to the existing political structure.

(3) Self-determination

          Jean-Jacques Rousseau promoted the concept of popular sovereignty in which the people of a given country are citizens with rights and duties rather than merely subjects submitting to authority. This provided the philosophical foundation for nationalism. His concept of "the general will" requires a culturally unified people dedicated to the collective interest of society and demanding political independence through which they can express their culture and values.

          The achievement of a nation state has required either unification of principalities that share a common language and culture or liberation from foreign domination. National self-determination allows the joining of nationality and citizenship, and legitimizes the authority of the government as representative of the popular will and popular sovereignty. Historically, cultural cohesion and political unity has strengthened nation-states and motivated imitation. However, nationalism may sometimes only seek greater autonomy rather than full independence and be satisfied with federalism and devolution of pwoers.

(4) Identity Politics

          Heywood notes that the strength of "affective elements" meaning the emotion or subjective values of will, memory and patriotic loyalty explains the unusual political success of nationalism. Therefore, to emphasize these points he describes "cultural nationalism" and "ethnic nationalism." "Typically, cultural nationalism is a 'bottom-up' form of nationalism that draws more on popular rituals, traditions and legends than on elite or "higher' culture" (168). Cultural nationalism puts the state in a peripheral position and emphasizes the mystical belief that the nation in a unique historical whole. German provides the strongest example of this idea because the famous philosophers Herder and Fichte promoted the uniqueness and superiority of German culture. Cultural nationalism seems anti-modern in character because of the effort expended to rediscover and revive folk legends and myths, but as it enables people to recreate themselves, the state can become an agent of modernization.

          Ethnic nationalism resembles cultural nationalism in the deep emotional emphasis on values, traditions and practices. However, in contrast to the potential for people can assimilate to a cultural nation, an ethnic nation is exclusive. People can only become members by birth. Ethnic nationalism emphasizes extended kinship groups united by blood, with loyalty toward one's birth nation and its territorial area. The exclusive character of ethnocultural nationalism therefore contrasts sharply with the inclusive nature of civic nationalism. [See box on page 169.]

          Nationalism blends with many different political doctrines and as a result, many rival nationalist traditions have been created. Heywood repeats much of what he has already written about the originally liberal nature of nationalism. Liberal nationalism believes in the fundamental equality of all nations, with rights to self-government, just as all individuals are equal. It promotes constitutionalism and representation as the solution to autocratic rule and foreign domination. Note the quote of John Stuart Mill, "the boundaries of government should coincide in the main with those of nationality" (171). This reveals a difficult problem: nations often do not live in discrete geographical areas, making it impossible to construct political boundaries to encompass culturally homogenous populations. Nationalism therefore becomes illiberal--antagonistic to the rights of individuals when it accepts the forcible deportations of minority groups and limits on immigration.

          Conservatives have learned to use nationalism to defend traditional institutions and strengthen social order. This tends to only develop in established nation-states. In this sense conservatives fulfill the Marxist belief that nationalism is used as a tool against social revolution and class solidarity. Important strategies include ritual and commemoration of military victories, and the use of institutions as symbols of national identity. Conservative nationalism grows when people feel that their national identity is in danger, and is therefore strengthened by opposition to multiculturalism. Critics emphasize that conservative nationalism is a form of elite manipulation used to promote intolerance and bigotry. Desire for "cultural purity" leads to fear of foreigners as a threat and legitimizes racialist or xenophobic fears.

          Expansionist nationalism in the late 1800s and early 1900s resulted from popular demand for national glory as demonstrated in possession of colonies. Public enthusiasm for aggressive nationalism or imperial expansion is "jingoism." "When world war eventually broke out in August 1914, after a prolonged arms race and a succession of international crises, it provoked public rejoicing in all the major cities of Europe" (176). Derived from the name of a French soldier, Nicholas Chauvin, who was fanatically devoted to Napoleon, we have the term chauvinism as a belief in the superiority or dominance of one nation, and ideology of racial and cultural superiority. Chauvinists believe that military glory and conquest demonstrate national greatness. National chauvinism leads to complete dedication, willing self-sacrifice and absolute loyalty. This exercises great appeal for people who feel isolated and powerless because it help them feel secure, self-respect and pride. In times of national defeat or failure, national chauvinism has led to racialist ideology in which the "out group" is blamed for all the misfortunes and frustrations suffered by the "in group."

          Nationalism has provided the guiding inspiration for anti-colonial struggles. Most of the leaders of liberation and independence movements have been western educated. Because these leaders were very aware of their subordination to industrial states of Europe and their economic underdevelopment, most anti-colonial movement leaders have been attracted to some form of socialism. "The class struggle became a colonial struggle against exploitation and oppression" (179). The forms of socialism adopted, including one party states and planned economies on the Soviet model, are often led by powerful, charismatic leaders who appeal to a unifying national cause. In Africa, some nationalist movements have not avoided the language of liberalism and socialism, preferring instead to appeal to traditional communitarian values in order to overcome tribal divisions. Heywood notes hat the USA is not guilty of overt political colonization, but rather fierce resentment has built against the dominance of the US economy in controlling investment--so-called "neocolonialism." Therefore, post-colonial nationalism is anti-western.

          Heywood concludes with a prediction or speculation that nationalism will continue to exert political influence because it offers a path of resistance to the homogenizing influence of globalization and it continues to provide societies with social cohesion and identity, while allowing significant flexibility in content.