CONSERVATISM

Macridis Lecture Notes:

The Conservative Tradition

        The authors believe that conservatism can be distinguished by seven characteristics: 1) emphasis on liberties at the expense of equality; 2) suspicion of concentrated political power; 3) an organic, hierarchical view of society; 4) respect for tradition; 5) respect for religion; 6) distrust of reason to solve social problems; 7) elitism.

        Conservatism accepts gradual change in contrast to reactionaries who want to radically overthrow the existing order to reestablish the past. It is also opposed to the authoritarianism which rejects freedom and participation but accepts the use of force and repression through concentrated power.

        The chapter is divided into two main sections: 1) the British model, treated as the archetype, and 2) American conservatism as the weak and distant relation.

        The British model is important for joining the aristocracy, upper classes, monarchy, church, and army tied to constitutional democracy. In contrast to the British model, European conservatives have rejected the representative government and constitutional democracy. The lack of an effective American conservative movement results from the prevalence of egalitarianism and liberalism.

        In conservative ideals of political society, each group and class performs its function within a division of labor that contributes to the organic, hierarchical whole. The rights and liberties of each person are conditions on the historical, traditional, institutional and legal place as members of a group rather than based on quality and freedom. No single document serves as the final authority as a constitution, but rather an accretion of customs, rules and traditions. Conservatives do not view the nation as a supreme moral value, but as the product of shared historical experience. Authority derives from inheritance rather than from contract.

        It is important to note the distinction between the unifying functions of the "symbolic" or "ceremonial" role of the state, by which people experience a sense of attachment to their country, and the "efficient" part of governmental, which refers to the Parliament, the cabinet and Prime Minister (terms popularized by Walter Bagehot: 1826-1877).

        Conservatives seek leadership from natural leaders of high birth, property and talent who they presume care more about the common welfare than the working class people and who hold the interests of the country in trust. This illustrates the element of elitism that advocates the independence of the government from responsibility to an electorate. The conservatives believe in the responsibilities of the propertied classes to promote the overall interests of the collectivity at the expense of both particular interests and economic expansion. Conservatives only tolerate inequality, individual effort and competition to they extent that they do not lead to social strife. The British variant of conservatism was successful because it accepted state intervention and welfare measures, democracy and parliamentary institutions, in contrast to the European parties. The British Conservative Party (the Tories) gained the support of lower and middle classes in an alliance called the marriage of cottage and throne. In sum, the authors say that conservatism has legitimized itself as an ideology consistent with democracy. Although the British conservative party was a product of the upper-class, the ideology provided a format in which the upper classes learned to compromise and to accept political competition, individual and associational freedoms and avoid recourse to force.

        The authors use five qualities to describe American conservatism: 1) preserving the past; 2) believing in natural leaders; 3) accepting only gradual change; 4) admiring a hierarchical society and 5) emphasizing the need for authority.

        American conservatives do not appeal to tradition as the real source of authority rather than rationality. They accept the American belief that change is progress and personal worth comes from achievement rather than birth or status. Because of the prevalence of this American myth of material success and self-improvement, and the foundation of our system on human reason and individual rights, there are few American conservatives. "The only conservative ideology they claim to find is in the Constitution and in the thinking of the framers that produced it and, of course, in the political philosophy of some of them as it was expounded in the Federalist Papers" (88). American conservatives find the wisdom of the framers in the restraints built into the system not only against all the branches of government, but also against the people. Madison and Hamilton defended the Constitution using terms and vocabulary resembling those of British conservatives. For example, the Electoral College and the indirect election of senators reflect this suspicion of direct democracy. The framers were afraid of the people, but also of the abuse of political power even by wise rulers. However, their solution of weakening authority by fragmenting it was not based on belief in tradition, custom or natural leaders. The framers believed in the utilitarian goal of maximizing pleasure so they aimed to liberate society and people in their private associations from the state and from political domination. In this system of thought, the ideal person is free from the wisdom of political elites and natural leaders. It represents the opposite of conservative ideology.

        Economic liberalism flourished in the US in contrast to Europe, where it provoked opposition from Chartists, Socialists, intellectuals, Catholic leaders, and monarchists. In one model of capitalism-in the paternalistic vision of Andrew Carnegie-only the industrious and frugal became rich as a sign of divine grace and their success obligates them to help the needy. In contrast, William Graham Sumner promoted the individualistic ethic to the extent of social Darwinism.

        In addition to the rugged individualism of American, American conservatives favored moral issues. Ronald Reagan supported most conservative issues and most conservatives supported Reagan. However, Reagan was forced to compromise because he could not sustain his interventionist policies in Central America. The conservative issues that have succeeded include federal devolution of authority, lower taxes, dismantling the welfare state, reduction in the federal bureaucracy and emphasis on moral issues. In many states they retain an identity separate from Republicans. They are divided into globalists and isolationists, and between free traders and protectionists. But the deepest common issues include economic liberalism, hostility to big government, high taxes and a firm reassertion of moral values.